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From Texas to Abu Ghraib: The Bush Legacy of Prisoner Abuse
by Heather Wokusch
While administration officials express shock and
outrage over allegations of the torture and murder of
Iraqi prisoners by US forces, a deeper look into Bushs
stateside prison-system record shows disturbing
similarities.
Despite Tagubas report detailing US sadistic, blatant
and wanton criminal abuses of Iraqi detainees, the
President declared, We acted, and there are no longer
mass graves and torture rooms and rape rooms in Iraq.
In George Bushs America, denial about inmate
mistreatment runs similarly rampant. As Texas governor,
Bush oversaw the executions of 152 prisoners and thus
became the most-killing governor in the history of the
United States. Ethnic minorities, many of whom did not
have access to proper legal representation, comprised a
large percentage of those Bush put to death, and in one
particularly egregious example, Bush executed an
immigrant who hadnt even seen a consular official from
his own country (as is required by the Vienna
Convention on Consular Relations, to which the US was a
signatory). Bushs explanation: Texas did not sign the
Vienna Convention, so why should we be subject to it?
Governor Bush also flouted the United Nations
Convention on the Rights of the Child by choosing to
execute juvenile offenders, a practice shared by only
Iran, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Yemen. Significantly,
in 1998 a full 92% of the juvenile offenders on Bushs
death row were ethnic minorities.
Conditions inside Texan prisons during Bushs reign
were so notorious text; that federal Judge
William Wayne Justice wrote, "Many inmates credibly
testified to the existence of violence, rape and
extortion in the prison system and about their own
suffering from such abysmal conditions."
In September 1996, for example, a videotaped raid on
inmates at a county jail in Texas showed guards using
stun guns and an attack dog on prisoners, who were
later dragged face-down back to their cells.
Funding of mental health programs during Bushs reign
was so poor that Texan prisons had a sizeable number of
mentally-impaired inmates; defying international human
rights standards, these inmates ended up on death row.
A prisoner named Emile Duhamel, for example, with
severe psychological disabilities text; and an IQ of 56, died in his Texan
death-row jail cell in July 1998. Authorities blamed
natural causes but a lack of air conditioning in
cells that topped 100 degrees Fahrenheit in a summer
heat wave may have killed Duhamel instead. How many
other Texan prisoners died of such neglect during
Bushs governorship is unclear.
As president, Bush presides over a prison population
topping 2 million people, giving America the dubious
distinction of having a higher percentage of its
citizens behind bars than any other country. When
considering that the US has three times more prisoners
per capita than Iran and seven times more than Germany,
the nation looks more like a Gulag than the Land of the
Free.
Abu Ghraib has left administration officials falling
over themselves with protestations of compassion, but
its worth remembering that the Bush White House has
fought hard against the International Convention
Against Torture, text especially a proposal to establish
voluntary inspections of prisons and detention centers
in signatory countries, such as the United States.
Its not difficult to see why: if even a fraction of
Bushs devastating legacy with Texan prisoners has been
transferred to the US prison system as a whole, then
the scandal over Abu Ghraib will seem like childs play.
The White House also wants to stifle investigation into
the roughly 760 aliens (mainly Muslim men) the US
government rounded up post-911, ostensibly for
immigration violations. Amnesty International reports
911 detainees have suffered a pattern of physical and
verbal abuse by some corrections officers text;
and a denial of basic human rights.
Then of course, theres Guantanamo, where the US is
holding hundreds of detainees in top secrecy and
without access to courts, legal counsel or family
visits. Add to that the roughly 1000 civilians the US
imprisons in Afghanistan, the 10,000 civilians thought
to be detained in Iraq and who knows how many others
across the globe, and it looks as if incarceration is
the nations best export.
But blame cant stop with Bush. A recent CNN poll
asking Is torture ever justified during
interrogation? yielded 47% of respondents answering in
the affirmative, which explains why there hasnt been
much stateside outrage over prisoner neglect in the
past. Its that Faustian with-us-or-against-us
mentality rearing its ugly head once again, promising
safety but tempting us to dehumanize others and lose
our souls in the process. --posted 05.12.04
Heather Wokusch is a free-lance writer, and can be
reached via her web site: www.heatherwokusch.com.
Heathers latest project is A Woman's Political
Primer: 100 Easy Steps to Owning Your Power and Making
a Difference to be released in the fall.
President Bush has always been a good friend to the
nuclear industry, but his recent overtures should sound
alarm bells.
The White House has begun pushing to replace
governmental safety standards at federal nuclear
facilities with requirements penned by contractors. As one US lawmaker quipped, "It's like the fox guarding the hen house."
What prompted the Bush administration's move? Simple:
Congress insisted the government start fining
contractors for violations.
The proposed weakening of safety standards would affect
over 100,000 nuclear plant workers and represents an
especially lousy time to lower their morale.
A strike by 276 operations and maintenance workers was
narrowly averted last December at the Indian Point 3
plant, located 35 miles north of midtown Manhattan. When the plant's owner proposed substituting managers for striking workers, union spokesperson Steve Mangione observed, "Anyone would want the people who work there every day - not managers who take a crash course - to be the ones running the plant."
Worker error is a key factor in nuclear plant problems.
The Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) reported 728 worker-caused mishaps during a recent two-year period, an average of over three mistakes per year at each plant.
Even worse, government security contractors have
apparently been lax in monitoring worker effectiveness.
The Y-12 nuclear weapons plant in Tennessee, for
example, made headlines last month when it reported
missing 200 keys to protected areas. Then news surfaced
that security personnel guarding the nation's nuclear stockpiles, including tons of enriched uranium at Y-12, had been cheating on their antiterrorism drills.
An Energy Department investigation discovered that
contract security guards at the Y-12 plant had been
given access to computer models of antiterrorism drill
strikes in advance, rendering the tests useless. A representative from the longtime government contractor charged with securing the facility, Wackenhut, claimed security at Y-12 was "better than it's ever been" but few are convinced. A January 2002 study found only 19% of Wackenhut guards at NY's Indian Point facility reported feeling able to "adequately defend the plant."
Almost twenty years ago, the reactor core meltdown at
Three Mile Island struck fear into the nation, but
consequences could have been much worse. A 1982 study
by the Sandia National Laboratory predicted an accident
at the Limerick nuclear plant outside of Philadelphia
could result in 74,000 people killed within the first
year and a further 610,000 afflicted with
radiation-related illnesses. Add to that $200 billion in relocation and clean-up costs.
By all appearances, however, stateside nuclear
facilities are functioning well. Pennsylvania's
Susquehanna nuclear plant just announced an electricity-generation record for 2003, which it attributes to "maintaining the highest safety and reliability standards," and Maryland's Calvert Cliffs Nuclear Power Plant (CCNPP) is hard at work assuring the public it's a friendly neighbor; the CCNPP web site includes references to its "forest management and wildlife protection."
But the CCNPP site also lists protective measures to be
taken in case of an accident, such as "put uncovered
food into the refrigerator" and "washing yourself and
your clothes removes radioactive material you may have
picked up." How effective these steps would be in a meltdown is
debatable - perhaps similar to clasping seatbelts tight
when an airplane is nosediving. One factor is clear:
CCNPP's location (just 60 miles from Baltimore and 50
miles from DC) might make it an interesting target for
terror. Other reactors in across the country could be
similarly at risk.
If terrorists were to attack a nuclear plant via an air
strike, truck bomb or even worse, grenade or nuclear
device thrown into a Spent Fuel Pool, Armageddon could
become reality for the neighboring communities.
Regardless, the Bush administration has been pumping
money into the nuclear industry, including a fresh $35
million infusion last year to build 50 new US reactors
by 2020. Since each reactor costs over $1.5 billion to produce, and the public assumes liability in case of an accident or attack, the US taxpayer should be forewarned.
The White House is also leaning on the Environmental
Protection Agency (EPA) to weaken regulations regarding
nuclear waste transport and storage.
How ironic that alternative energy sources receive
relatively little in government subsidies, especially
in light of new satellite mapping techniques showing
that the Great Plains region could generate three times
as much energy in wind-power as the US consumes. What then explains our government's obsession with
nuclear power? Follow the money. Nuclear plant PACs
invested hundreds of thousands of dollars in the
Bush/Cheney presidential campaign, and almost half a
million dollars in the 23 members of the Senate Energy
and Natural Resources Committee in 2002 alone. That's no excuse for poor energy policy. The risks of
nuclear plants must be considered before dumping any
more money into this losing game. And as long as the
nation's 100+ nuclear plants continue to operate, the
toughest of safety standards must be enforced.
Heather Wokusch is a free-lance writer. She can be
contacted via her web site: www.heatherwokusch.com
Copyright © 2004 The Baltimore Chronicle
### Press Freedom Under Fire
by Heather Wokusch
If the first casualty of war is truth, then the War on
Terror has dealt a body blow to those trying to get at
the bottom of the story: journalists.
The press watchdog Reporters Sans Frontieres (RSF) has
noted a sharp jump in attacks on journalists
internationally, and not just in high-profile cases
such as the murder of Wall Street Journal reporter
Daniel Pearl.
In 2002, a full 1,420 journalists were kidnapped,
beaten or detained across the globe, and RSF concludes,
"The fight against terrorism launched by the United
States and its allies after the 11 September attacks
damaged freedom of the press. Many governments stepped
up and justified their repression of opposition or
independent voices using anti-terrorism as an excuse."
In particular, the US military is under fire for its
treatment of journalists in Iraq. An RSF report
entitled "Two Murders and a Lie" text details the April 8 2003 attack by US forces
on Baghdad's Palestine Hotel, which left two
journalists dead and three injured.
Blaming Iraqi snipers for the Palestine Hotel attack,
Pentagon officials said, "this desperate and dying
regime will stop at nothing to cling to power." When
evidence proved a US tank was in fact responsible,
officials claimed the shelling was in response to
hostile fire from within the hotel. After that version
of events was proven false too, the standard line
became soldiers attacked the hotel thinking they "were
under direct observation from an enemy hunter/killer
team."
The bottom line is the Pentagon knew the hotel had been
filled with reporters for three weeks, yet soldiers on
the ground had been left uninformed. According to RSF,
"the question is whether this information was withheld
deliberately, because of misunderstanding or by
criminal negligence."
While the Geneva Conventions clearly state that
"journalists engaged in dangerous professional missions
in areas of armed conflict shall be considered as
civilians ... and protected as such," apparently not
everyone agrees; in the view of retired Marine Lt. Gen.
Bernard E. Trainor, "there's nothing sacrosanct about a
hotel with a bunch of journalists in it."
Stateside, a similar attitude can be seen in the
language used to describe visa requirements for foreign
journalists: text "You must apply for a United States visa if
you ... Are a professional journalist planning to cover
news or informational stories; Have been denied entry
on a previous occasion or have been expelled from the
USA during the last five years; Have a criminal record
or suffer from a serious transmittable disease or
mental disorder; Are a drug addict, drug trafficker, or
were involved in Nazi persecutions, and if you were or
still are a member of a subversive or terrorist
organization." In other words, journalists, criminals
and terrorists belong in the same category.
At least it's appearing that way to an increasing
number of foreign journalists visiting the US. Just
last month, Austrian lifestyle-magazine reporter Peter
Krobath flew to Los Angeles to interview Ben Affleck
about his latest film. Despite having media credentials
and a press junket invitation, Krobath was detained at
LAX and interrogated for five hours. text He was then body-searched, handcuffed,
placed in isolation and taken to a downtown prison
where he spent the night in a cell with 45 others,
including convicted criminals. Only after the Austrian
consulate intervened was Krobath released from prison
and placed on the first flight back to Vienna.
Krobath's crime? He didn't have a special visa for
foreign journalists planning to cover news stories in
the States. The catch? No embassies or consulates had
been told about this new regulation, so foreign media
groups couldn't prepare their staff members.
The War on Terror has no doubt taken its toll on press
freedom, but it's hard to see how targeting visiting
journalists will make the US safer, promote the image
of an open and free America, or make life easier for US
journalists abroad.
And it's unacceptable to whitewash a crime such as the
Palestine Hotel shelling. The RSF has called for a
reopening of the inquiry into the attack: "At the top
level, the US government must bear some responsibility
... its top leaders have regularly made statements
about the status of war reporters in Iraq that have
undermined all media security considerations and set
the scene for the tragedy that occurred."
Freedom of the press is crucial to any democracy, and
silencing the messenger is no alternative.
Heather Wokusch is a free-lance writer. She can be
contacted via her web site: www.heatherwokusch.com
Saddam's Just The Latest Plastic Turkey
by Heather Wokusch
Now that the Evil Prince of Iraqi Darkness has been
captured by valiant US military forces, the Middle East
is free to democratize and the world at large is a much
safer place. As Bush put it, Hussein's capture means
"sovereignty" for Iraq, "dignity for ... every Iraqi
citizen, the opportunity for a better life. All Iraqis
can now come together and reject violence." text
Any problems with this rosy assessment? Maybe my
bullshit detectors go into overdrive every time the
Bush administration announces a success, but this
latest scenario just doesn't stack up.
For one, how do we know that the dusty old guy dragged
out of the ground really is Saddam? Hussein was known
to have had multiple "doubles," exact lookalikes who,
for security reasons, took his place in meeting foreign
dignitaries and in mingling with the public. Could the
famous prisoner just be a double? A stooge set up to
take the heat while Hussein lives lavishly-ever-after
in some third country?
DNA tests will apparently be conducted on the prisoner
to prove he's Hussein, but it's unclear where the
necessary comparative DNA samples will be obtained or
how independent the verification process will be.
One could argue, of course, that the Bush
administration would look pretty dumb later on if an
impostor testified in court, so the prisoner must be
Saddam. But face it: if Hussein ever does go on trial,
how public will it be? Imagine the testimony:
"Well Your Honor, during the 80's I got all kinds of
battlefield intelligence and weaponry from my buddies
in the White House. Reagan and Poppy Bush gave me
billions of dollars in credits for US agricultural
products, so I could buy more weapons on the side, and
a whole slew of stateside corporations sold me
biological and other weaponry. Gassing Kurds, crushing
Shiite uprisings ... no problem for my American
friends! Wanna see a picture of me and Donald
Rumsfeld?" text
Won't happen. We will not be hearing detailed
depositions from Hussein, any more than we'll be seeing
open trials for Guantanamo inmates.
But suspend doubt for a moment and assume the prisoner
really is Hussein. Imagine he didn't escape with untold
wealth to a mansion in Moscow, a villa in Naples,
wherever, and really did end up moving from hovel to
underground hovel in bombed-out Iraq. Then who revealed
his location and what were the true circumstances of
his capture?
The official version (brought to us by the same folks
who presented Jessica Lynch as a Barbie action figure)
is that superior US intelligence led Operation "Red
Dawn" forces to their dusty prey. Little mention is
made of the $25 million bounty on Hussein's head
(namely if it was forked over, as was the $30 million
for information on his two sons), but the fact that
information was reportedly obtained "under duress" to
discover his whereabouts would indicate harsh
interrogation, if not torture, was used to find him.
The L.A. Times reported a US official saying, "Some
people were impossible to find, but we'd find their
relatives. One interrogation led to another raid, which
led to another interrogation."
And then there's the matter of Hussein's spaced out,
arguably drugged, appearance upon capture. Conspiracy
theory has it he was actually being held prisoner, and
the White House was just waiting for the most
politically expedient time to "find" him. None other
than Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
recently told a Fox news analyst she suspects Bush
knows where Osama Bin Laden is too.
text
Bribery, mass raids/interrogations, political
kidnappings? Who knows the truth behind this sordid
affair, but it appears "sovereignty" and "dignity" for
Iraqis were not the operating principles in capturing
Hussein.
Bottom line: Prisoner Saddam is nothing more than a
distraction, a prop used to bolster sagging White House
ratings, much like the plastic turkey Bush offered
troops in photo-ops last Thanksgiving. Hussein will be
dangled every now and then (just in time for Christmas,
next year's elections, Halliburton's latest accusation
of corruption ...) and then locked away in a dungeon
for life, or maybe even bumped off, "Jack Ruby" style.
Because surely the White House won't need him for long.
The US will soon invade other countries way more evil,
depose their dastardly leaders, and win more hearts,
minds, respect and security in the process. --posted 12.20.03
From Bring 'Em On To Bring 'Em Home
by Heather Wokusch
We especially owe it to those struggling on the front lines in Iraq, Afghanistan - wherever fate and the Bush administration have sent them - to take a closer look.
Five Important Questions to Ask
1. Why did we invade Iraq?
With 140,000 active-duty, reserve and National Guard troops now on the ground in Iraq, almost 400 US soldiers killed since the invasion started (250 of those since Bush declared major combat over), and more troops being called up, it's important to remember why we're over there in the first place.
Claims about Hussein's nukes
- Bush, Oct 2002: "The evidence indicates that Iraq is reconstituting its nuclear weapons program ... Iraq has attempted to purchase high-strength aluminum tubes and other equipment needed for gas centrifuges which are used to enrich uranium for nuclear weapons."
- Cheney, March 2003: "We believe [Saddam] has, in fact, reconstituted nuclear weapons."
Once the invasion was underway, the Bush administration did a U-turn:
- Cheney, September 2003: "I did misspeak. We never had evidence that [Saddam] had acquired a nuclear weapon."
- Rumsfeld, June 2003: "I don't know anybody in any government or any intelligence agency who suggested that the Iraqis had nuclear weapons."
Claims about Hussein's other WMD
- Rumsfeld, March 2003, "We know where they are. They're in the area around Tikrit and Baghdad and east, west, south and north somewhat."
- Rumsfeld, September 2003, clarifying his earlier "We know where they are" claim: "Sometimes I overstate for emphasis."
Same story, of course, with the administration's imaginary link between Hussein and 9-11.
So why again are we in Iraq? Why have our service members been put in harm's way over there?
2. Who profits from the takeover of Iraq?
Iraqi reconstruction has become a bonanza for companies connected to the Bush administration. Vice president Cheney, for one, owns 400,000 stock options in/receives large payments from Halliburton, a company whose subsidiary KBR has been soaking American taxpayers via no-bid contracts in post-war Iraq.
And of course, deep-pocket Bush supporters have reaped handsome post-war dividends. A study by the Washington-based Center for Public Integrity found that companies sharing the $8 billion spoil in contracts to rebuild Iraq and Afghanistan had donated more money to the Bush presidential campaign than to any other politician over the last dozen years.
Meanwhile, the American taxpayer has forked over billions for the invasion and occupation, billions that could have been much better spent at home.
Why again are we in Iraq?
3. What's going on for our troops on the ground?
Judging by a mid-October slew of upbeat letters-to-the-editor written by soldiers in Iraq (reporting positive developments like "the quality of life and security for the citizens has been largely restored") things are going just fine over there.
Unfortunately though, it turned out the soldiers didn't write those letters after all - instead Army superiors had just given them copies to sign for propaganda purposes. That fact became obvious when 11 different newspapers ended up running the exact same letter, supposedly written by different soldiers, on the same day.
What's really going on over there?
4. How are military families holding up?
The Bush administration has dramatically lengthened deployment periods, which in turn has put pressure on military families - when both parents are sent to fight, imagine what that does to the kids left behind.
At the same time, the administration has requested cuts in combat pay, Veterans Administration per capita expenditures, life insurance benefits, and funding for school districts that host military bases.
In addition, our returning wounded vets are often denied proper treatment. In one particularly nasty example, hundreds of injured Iraq veterans have languished at a poorly-equipped base in Georgia, waiting to receive medical care.
And of course, we now know the Army and Air Force all but ignored a 1997 law requiring that soldiers sent to war zones be given extensive pre- and post-deployment medical exams, which will make it much harder for Iraq veterans to press for medical compensation in the years to come.
5. How does the Bush administration honor fallen veterans?
Many find it insulting that the President has not attended memorial services for troops, and see it as the administration's attempt to gloss over the harsh realities of war. Similarly, body bags are now being called "transfer tubes" and the media is forbidden to show coffins arriving home with U.S. casualties from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
But sticking our collective head in the sand doesn't make America's problems go away, and it certainly doesn't make life better for our service members.
We can't just drape flags around the (unseen) coffins of our fallen soldiers and call that patriotism.
We've got to insist that our troops aren't sacrificed for the profits of politicians' favored corporations, and we've got to make a distinction between supporting our troops and supporting the Bush administration.
Because we don't help those in the trenches by handing the Bush administration more money and more power. Instead, we should fight to bring 'em home. --11.24.03, from an earlier version
Make War Not Love:
by Heather Wokusch
The Bush Administration's sexual prudishness is no secret - and neither is its love of war. Could the two be connected?
The freewheeling "Oral Office" Clinton years came to an abrupt halt when Bush took over. Suddenly, abstinence became the White House mantra, and men whose religiosity seemed to preclude doing the nasty occupied the highest offices in the land.
There's Attorney General John Ashcroft, who opposes drinking, smoking - even dancing - on moral grounds, and who ordered the "Spirit of Justice" statue covered up because he couldn't handle the sight of her naked marble breasts. There's David Hager , an OB/GYN who refuses to prescribe contraceptives to unmarried women (and believes the Bible is an antidote for premenstrual syndrome), as one of three religious conservatives Bush appointed to the Food and Drug Administration's (FDA) Advisory Committee for Reproductive Health Drugs.
Then there's the " no sex is safe sex " youth campaign, backed up by "virgin pledge" programs for high schools. Reminiscent of Nancy Reagan's "just say no" approach to drug education, abstinence-only programs have seen their budgets explode in recent years, as Bush keeps an election promise to his conservative Christian backers. Similarly, funding for sex education courses has been cut, along with medical services providing contraceptives to teenagers.
Not everyone is pleased with this new push to stifle open discussion about sex. The Institute of Medicine has called abstinence-only programs "poor fiscal and health policy," and former US Surgeon General David Satcher has argued that teenage pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) cannot be fought without sex education classes which openly discuss contraceptives and other forms of self-protection.
The Bush Administration's emphasis on abstinence has also made it something of a sexual pariah abroad. Citing objections about health workers being allowed to discuss condom use, last year the US voted against a United Nations resolution to fund global AIDS education and prevention. Intriguingly, the only others voting with the States against the UN resolution were Iraq, Iran, Sudan, Libya, Syria and the Vatican.
Numerous studies have documented that "no sex" societies are often plagued by acts of rage. A cross-cultural investigation by American psychologist J.M. Prescott, for example, found that societies which punished premarital sex tended to have higher rates of crime and violence. Prescott also linked sexual repression to aggression, insensitivity, criminal behavior, and a greater likelihood of killing and torturing enemies.
Of course, just as sexual repression can lead to aggression, a culture of war can equate intimacy with violence. So these days, it comes as no surprise that lethal weapons are often described in loving, phallic terms.
Case in point: a recent exhibition in San Francisco, entitled "The Gun Show (Girls + Guns = Sex)," celebrated weapons as erotic art; a review of the exhibition said, "... as a nation, we have fulfilled the very definition of fetishism: we have transposed genital sexuality onto a non-sexual object-the gun. Obviously, there's a phallic element here somewhere, it's not exactly a giant leap for mankind to figure out what that shiny, steel shaft is supposed to be."
When a macho view of weaponry and war becomes the norm, however, women often become "the enemy," with dehumanization and sexual abuse following close behind.
The chilling recollection of a US service member who witnessed a gang rape during the Vietnam War is indicative. Marine sergeant Michael McCusker described what happened after a squad of nine Americans entered a small village:
"They were supposed to go after what they called a Viet Cong whore. They went into her village and instead of capturing her, they raped her -- every man raped her. As a matter of fact, one man said to me later that it was the first time he had ever made love to a woman with his boots on. The man who led the platoon, or the squad, was actually a private. The squad leader was a sergeant but he was a useless person and he let the private take over his squad. Later he said he took no part in the raid. It was against his morals. So instead of telling his squad not to do it, because they wouldn't listen to him anyway, the sergeant went into another side of the village and just sat and stared bleakly at the ground, feeling sorry for himself. But at any rate, they raped the girl, and then, the last man to make love to her, shot her in the head."
A brutal gang rape ending with murder is described as making "love." The line between sex and rage is blurred until it disappears entirely.
In today's White House, that same line is being tested. Top administration strategist Karl Rove was caught at his ballistic best awhile back, making plans for a minor political operative who had displeased him: "We will fuck him. Do you hear me? We will fuck him. We will ruin him . Like no one has ever fucked him!"
Apparently for Rove "fuck" and "ruin" are synonymous; the implications speak for themselves.
How does all of this bode for our future?
When Bush was running for president, he promised to "build a culture that respects life." Of course, he was referring to fighting abortion rather than ending capital punishment or stopping war. Similarly, while the Bush White House has delivered impassioned speeches on the need to combat sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS, it has also deleted information regarding condoms from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention web site. More worryingly, AIDS programs supported by the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) have been singled out for funding review, and criticized if their content is too sexually explicit. No wonder Secretary of Health Tommy Thompson was booed and heckled when he spoke at the World AIDS Conference in South Africa last year.
Unfortunately for Ashcroft and the rest, sexuality today is not as easy to cover up and deny as the "Spirit of Justice" statue's breasts. Not everyone who has sex is straight and/or married. STDs are rampant; AIDS has ravaged entire nations. Young and old alike are numbed 24/7 by images of gratuitous sex and violence.
What's needed is a good long look at sexuality today - with all of its pleasures, diversities and dangers. Young people must receive information about self-protection in addition to abstinence. Contraceptives must be freely available. The societal line between sex and rage must be drawn firm and clear.
Maybe then weapons wouldn't be idolized and women dehumanized. Maybe then governmental funding for creative, life-affirming programs would outpace that for weaponry and war. --10.27.03
©Heather Wokusch 2002. Heather Wokusch is a free-lance writer. She can be
contacted via her web site www.heatherwokusch.com. This
article is featured in the premiere issue of Stella
magazine (www.stella-magazine.com)
China Upstages US at Nuclear Non-Proliferation Conference
China was the undisputed star of last week's
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) text conference in
Vienna, leaving Uncle Sam hiding in the wings.
The US has always been somewhat impatient with
international non-proliferation agreements. Despite a
1992 self-imposed moratorium, in the past six years the
States has conducted 19 nuclear tests, dismissing them
as sub-critical and therefore acceptable.
But the Bush administration has upped the nuclear ante
considerably. It plans another sub-critical nuclear
test for 2004, and has authorized the nation's weapons
labs to resume full-on nuclear testing with as little
as six-months' notice text.
And that's bad news for the Comprehensive Test Ban
Treaty. The UN-sponsored organization was set up in
1996 to ban nuclear-test explosions and to establish a
corresponding global monitoring system. But there's a
catch - the treaty can't go into effect until all 44 of
the nuclear-capable countries that joined in 1996 have
ratified it, a prospect looking increasingly unlikely
as holdouts point to US intransigence as justification
for their own burgeoning nuclear weapons programs.
Take Iran, which as one of the original signatories,
permitted five monitoring stations to be built on its
soil. In January 2002, soon after the US began
withholding funds from the CTBT's on-site inspection
program, Iran began withholding monitoring data from
the international community, thus rendering its
stations useless.
With America pulling back from the CTBT, other
countries have been expected to join Iran in
withdrawing their support as well. According to Daryl
Kimball of the US-based arms Control Association, "The
US is risking that possibility, and that may indeed be
what the US wants."
After all, Armageddon is big business stateside. The US
budget for nuclear-weapon activities in fiscal 2004
tops $6 billion, text over half a billion more than
in 2003. Expenditures for nuclear-test readiness alone
surged by 39% in the same period, and in a major policy
shift, the Bush administration is poised to seek
Congressional authorization for "usable" nuclear
weapons.
So expectations have been understandably low for the
CTBT, which to enter into force must be ratified by the
"dirty dozen" holdouts (including the US, Iran, China,
North Korea and Israel, among others) from the original
group of 44 nuclear-capable signatories. Many predicted
the recent conference would produce little more than
platitudes and hand-wringing.
Then in walked China.
Rumors had circulated that Beijing may be making a
major announcement at the conference. Its diplomatic
flurry in hosting recent six-way talks over North
Korea's nuclear program suggested a newfound sense of
urgency in confronting proliferation, so when China's
Ambassador Yan Zhang assumed the podium, the room fell
silent.
Zhang began by issuing China's strong support for the
CTBT. With a veiled reference to North Korea, he cited
"the absence of a sense of security" as a strong
motivation for non-proliferation, and then discreetly
railed against the US and other countries that have
withdrawn CTBT funding by demanding every member state
pay "in full and in time."
In a jab at the Bush administration's pre-emptive
strike policy, Zhang went on to say members should
"unconditionally undertake not to use or threaten to
use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon states."
He concluded by reaffirming the Chinese government's
strong commitment to completing the "ratification
procedure ... by an early date."
The impact was profound: cameras flashed and pens raced
even though Zhang had not specifically committed to
anything new.
Meanwhile, the US observer to the CTBT conference was
unavailable for comment because the person had failed
to even identify him/herself to anyone.
The upshot: China came off as a responsible, upstanding
world citizen and the US came off as a detached oaf.
Not that the Bush administration minds. Its
isolationist policies were laid out quite clearly in
the Nuclear Posture Review (NPR), text a classified Pentagon document leaked in
January 2002. The review recommends beefing up the
nation's nuclear weapons program as a way of providing
"credible military options to deter a wide range of
threats," and goes on to list contingencies in which a
US nuclear strike would be justified; examples include
"an Iraqi attack on Israel or its neighbors, a North
Korean attack on South Korea, or a military
confrontation (with China) over the status of Taiwan."
Pyongyang's response to the NPR was predictable: "Now
that the nuclear lunatics are in office in the White
House, we are compelled to examine all agreements with
the U.S." North Korea then struck down the 1994 Agreed
Framework commitment to end its nuclear program.
North Korea admitted to having a secret nuclear weapons
program last October, then kicked out UN monitors, and
started reprocessing spent fuel rods, a critical
component of nuclear weapons. And at the conclusion of
recent 6-way talks in Beijing, Pyongyang said it might
conduct a nuclear test as early as this month since the
US had refused to sign a non-aggression pact.
But it was exactly this nuclear tit-for-tat escalation
that the CTBT was set up to discourage.
Admittedly, China has hardly been a non-proliferation
role model in the past; its nuclear and missile sales
to Iran, Syria, Pakistan and others were dangerous and
irresponsible. But Beijing's apparent newfound
commitment to end the nuclear arms race can be
applauded, and if China actually does ratify the CTBT,
pressure will increase on other holdouts to follow suit.
Hopefully, Uncle Sam won't still be hiding in the wings.
-- 09.13.03
Bush On Edge As Lawsuit Targets WMD Businesses
A lawsuit on behalf of over 100,000 Gulf War veterans
text has the Bush administration on edge and
businesses running for cover.
The class action suit names 11 companies and 33 banks
alleged to have helped Iraq with its chemical weapons
program in the 1980's, despite knowledge Saddam Hussein
was actively using WMD against both Iranians and his
own people.
At the time, Reagan's Middle East envoy was one Donald
Rumsfeld, hard at work opening doors for Hussein's
regime to purchase millions in aircraft, hardware and
other potential weaponry.
But after the invasion of Kuwait bumped Hussein from
Pentagon friend to the "Most Wanted" list, coalition
forces got stuck with the nasty task of dealing with
the same chemical weapons that businesses had profited
by helping Iraq amass.
Unfortunately, most Gulf War troops didn't realize that
in destroying Hussein's WMD, they would also be
endangering their own lives.
In the 1991 air war against Iraq, coalition forces
bombed weapons production facilities and ammunition
dumps, subjecting themselves to widespread and
unexpected fallout; in one disastrous case, over
100,000 service members were exposed to sarin nerve gas
when the US military improperly blew up chemical
weapons sites in Khamisiyah.
Today, it is estimated that up to half of the 697,000
Gulf War veterans are sick, text
many suffering from a variety of symptoms collectively
known as Gulf War Illness. The US Department of Defense
(DOD) has been repeatedly criticized for mishandling
the veterans' health complaints, often citing lack of
diagnosis as justification for withholding treatment
and compensation.
However, recent medical research has established causal
links text
between exposure to chemical warfare agents, Gulf War
Illness and birth defects among veterans' children.
It's those links attorneys Gary Pitts and Kenneth
McCallion will address. Maintaining "companies and
banks have not yet had any negative consequences for
helping Saddam Hussein build his chemical weapons of
mass destruction," Pitts and McCallion claim the
lawsuit is not only "to seek just compensation for the
poisoned veterans and their birth-defected children, it
is to deter companies from engaging in this kind of
behavior in the future."
And in light of today's conflict in Iraq, the lawsuit's
implications are both broad-reaching and ominous. At
least 100 Gulf War II troops have already contracted a
"mystery" pneumonia-like illness text
Michael Neusche describes how his 20-year-old son Josh,
a former track star from Missouri, wrote home from
active duty in Iraq on June 26 saying would be doing a
secretive "hauling" mission. By July 1 Josh had fallen
into a coma; the military promptly reclassified Josh as
"medically retired," text
thus stripping him and his family of entitlements, and
on July 12th Josh died from what the Pentagon called
"other causes."
In a similar case, Zeferino E. Colungo, a 20-year-old
from Texas, died after battling an unexplained
pneumonia-like illness. In a recent letter to Secretary
of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, the Colungo family says,
"We deserve to know text why a healthy young man who was
supposedly screened and determined fit for deployment
would suddenly die. It is our right to receive honest
answers."
It's clear the DOD has some explaining to do; GW II
troops must not be forced to receive the same medical
run-around suffered by their predecessors.
The lawsuit on behalf of Gulf War veterans, however,
ups the ante considerably - this time not only the DOD
is under fire. By targeting companies and banks for
compensation, veterans are sending the weapons industry
a clear warning: it's getting dangerous to profit by
helping dubious governments produce WMD. --08.25.03
To hear Geoff Staples interview Heather Wokusch on the
Gulf War veterans' lawsuit and the upcoming
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty conference, catch a
replay at
www.heatherwokusch.com
Trading on terror : Linking financial markets and war
The Pentagon's online "terror" futures market may have
gone down in flames, but questions surrounding 9/11
insider trading and market rigging before the Iraq
invasion still linger.
In a much-aligned plan the Pentagon described as
"engaging and ... profitable," anonymous traders were
invited to bet on the likelihood of Middle Eastern
death and destruction; public outcry forced the "Policy
Analysis Market" (PAM) plan to be yanked days before
its scheduled launch.
But allegations about the ultimate "terror" futures
market, 9/11 insider trading, have yet to be adequately
addressed. It's known that just weeks before the
attacks, speculative trading surged on companies to be
hardest hit, text such as those located in the World
Trade Center. There was a rally in five-year US
Treasury notes, the best investment in times of US
crisis, and sales of airline-based put options (bets a
stock's price will fall) increased sharply too;
interestingly, many such put options were sold through
a firm previously managed by top CIA director, text A.B. "Buzzy" Krongard.
Estimates of 9/11 profit-taking are in the billions of
dollars, and according to Dylan Ratigan of Bloomberg
Business News, "This could very well be insider trading
at the worst, most horrific, most evil use you've ever
seen in your entire life. This would be one of the most
extraordinary coincidences in the history of mankind if
it was a coincidence."
Bowing to public pressure, the FBI and other federal
watchdogs promised swift and thorough investigations
into potential 9/11 insider trading. Significant that
today, almost two years after the attacks, no progress
seems to have been made.
It's also indicative that the US government didn't take
market volatility preceding 9/11 more seriously,
especially since the rationale behind its recent PAM
terror-trading scheme was that the "extremely
efficient" predictive quality of futures markets could
enhance national security.
But some analysts charge the Bush administration has
actually been too active in the markets, effectively
manipulating levels to build up public support before
its invasion of Iraq text . Here's how
analysts say it worked: a secretive US governmental
committee orchestrated massive selling in the euro,
crude and gold right before the invasion, effectively
lowering prices and bumping up the dollar. The covert
committee simultaneously purchased targeted Dow Jones
equities to prop up the relatively unsophisticated
index, thereby creating a rally big enough to calm
investors. How else, analysts say, to explain the
market rally when it seemed an invasion would be
postponed, followed by a rally one week later at news
war was imminent?
The fact that a team of US governmental and Wall Street
leaders periodically moves the markets in US interests
is undisputed; the group was created by Executive Order
12631 textin the Reagan
years and continues today under the nickname Plunge
Protection Team.
What is less clear, however, is if the Bush
administration's desired invasion of Iraq was deemed a
US interest vital enough to rig the markets.
The Pentagon's dubious futures-market scheme may have
been axed, but far too many questions surrounding the
link between US stock markets, war and terrorism remain. 08.18.03
Heather Wokusch is a free-lance writer. She can be
contacted via her web site: www.heatherwokusch.com
The views expressed are the writer's own and do not necessarily reflect those of Bush Watch. |